Istanbul's history dates back to 633 B.C. when Doric
settlers from Megara founded a small, commercial colony here that became
known as Byzantine. Two major constraints dictated the location of
ancient cities: topography and strategic considerations. The site of
this new town was located at the tip of a peninsula that commanded three
waterways. With the formal establishment of the polis, a city wall
measuring five kilometers in length and having twenty-seven towers was
built as protection. Within the walls, a hill within the walls was
selected as its acropolis. This was the first of the city's eventual
seven hills - apparently a topographical "must" for legendary ancient
cities.
Continuous expansion and growth resulted in several
transformations of the city's appearance. The first major one took place
in 196, during the reign of the Roman emperor Septimus Severus. This
involved the rebuilding of the land wall. Another Roman emperor,
Constantine the Great, transformed the city into a great metropolis that
he renamed Constantinople. This city was to become the capital of the
Eastern Roman Empire.
In 412 with the aim of creating a new metropolis to
serve as the capital of his empire, Emperor Theodosius undertook the
fourth major expansion of the city and rebuilt the land walls.
In the course of the centuries, palaces were built,
abandoned, demolished, and rebuilt. Most of these overlooked the Sea of
Marmara. Thus the Emperor Justinian (565-578) was making a radical and -
for the city - fateful change when he decided to locate his new palace (Blachernae)
at a place where the seawalls of the Golden Horn met the land walls
cutting across the peninsula. By the time of Alexius Comnenus
(1061-1118), Blachernae was officially designated the imperial residence
and all the other Byzantine palaces were abandoned.
Two thousand one hundred forty years after the
foundation of the city, a young Ottoman sultan conquered the city at the
age of twenty-three. Mehmed the II, given the name Fatih "Conqueror" in
honor of his victory, made his conquest the capital of his vigorous,
expanding empire. With his ambitions for world domination, he chose as
the site of his administrative center and residence the very same place
on which the original city was founded: a coincidence, perhaps, but more
likely a reaffirmation of the rules of location determinism; for even
the length of the surrounding walls and the area they contained were
close to those of ancient Byzantium.
At the time of his conquest, Sultan Mehmed encountered
an impoverished city with a population of a mere forty thousand souls
who lived scattered about in isolated residential sections set amidst
cultivated fields. The site he chose for his palace was typical: a hill
covered with an olive grove, presumably several abandoned monastic
structures, chapels, and bathhouses, and a small residential district by
the sea.
This was the beginning of an unprecedented scheme of
grandiose proportions which became synonymous with Ottoman cultural and
administrative history. More than a residential complex for the royal
household, the new palace was to become the pivotal institution for the
planning and decision-making institutions of a far-flung empire and it
remained so from the late 15th century to the middle of the l9th.
With its "irregular, asymmetric, non-axial, and
un-monumental proportions" as some European travelers described it,
Topkapi Palace was certainly quite different from the European palaces
with which they were familiar whether in terms of appearance or of
layout. But it was also fundamentally different from oriental or Islamic
palaces even though they might have had similar patterns of spatial
organization. In fact, Topkapi was a sui generis microcosm, a paradise
on earth or "to borrow a term from Ottoman palace terminology" The
Palace of Felicity.
Topkapi may be considered a trans-cultural focal point
in which a holistic civilization was created from the nomadic culture of
Turkish tribesmen whose forefathers had set out from Central Asia and
reached Asia Minor with stopovers in Persia and Mesopotamia. Within the
historically short period of two centuries, the Ottomans rose from a
small, feudal principality to become a major -the major- world power,
yet at the same time they possessed a court tradition and culture of
their own that was over a thousand years old. Undoubtedly Topkapi
involved a synthesis of Byzantine elements but what grew up on the
peninsula by the Golden Horn cannot possibly be divorced from its
predecessors in Ottoman history.
With their conquest of Bursa in 1326, the Ottomans
developed a new (for them) concept of a palace situated within a citadel
in their new capital. Although no definite historical information is
available about this palace's formal and functional organization, it may
be assumed that it was here that the social organization and components
of future palaces were shaped.
During the period of the empire's early formation and
expansion (particularly during the conquest of the European territories
called Rumeli) the concept of an established administrative capital had
- for geopolitical reasons - to be flexible. Following his capture of
Dimetoka in 1362, Murad I ordered the construction of a palace there and
until 1368, that city served as the empire's temporary capital. The
early sultans perforce developed the concept of keeping the center of
administrative power moving as dictated by the mobility of military
power.
Although Edirne was also conquered in 1362, and became
the center of the administration of the empire's Rumelian territories,
it did not become the formal capital until 1368, following the
completion of a new palace built there. At the same time, Bursa remained
a capital in its own right. Thus we see that the earlier empire was one
in which there was a plurality of administrative focal points.
The first palace to be built in Edirne (which later
became known as Eski Saray "Old Palace") was located in a place called
Kavak Meydani, the spot where Selimiye mosque was to be built in the
16th century. During the brief reign of Celebi Musa (1411), the palace
grounds, in the form of a square, were protected by a wall fifteen
meters high which turned it into an urban citadel. We have almost no
detailed information about this palace's formal or functional
organization or its architectural features.
Since it was originally the custom in the Ottoman
empire for princes of the line to serve as provincial governors in
cities like Kutahya, Amasya, and Manisa, palaces -whether new ones or
reconstructions of existing ones- were built in such places for them to
reside in.
Back in Edirne, work on the construction of a new
palace began in 1447 on the banks of the Tunca river. It was not
completed until 1457, by which time Mehmed II had already occupied the
throne for six years and Istanbul for four.
After the conquest of Istanbul in 1453, a new palace
for the Ottoman house was built within the walls of the city at a place
called Forum Tauri. It replaced an abandoned monastery there. Also
referred to in old Ottoman sources as Eski Saray, this palace covered a
rather large area. Sultan Mehmed did not, however, live there much,
preferring to take up residence in Edirne between campaigns.
When Istanbul was declared the empire's formal capital
however, Eski Saray acquired the status of the sovereign's residence.
Mehmed lived there until about the middle of the 1470's, by which time
he had realized that he needed to construct a new palace whose grandeur
and magnificence were more in accord with his imperial ambitions as
evinced in the title "Ruler of the Two Seas and the Two Continents" that
he assumed.
Within the remarkably short span of only ten years,
four palaces were built in succession. It was probably this more than
anything else that firmly established the roots of the extraordinary
spatio-social evolutionary process that was to become the Ottoman palace
tradition. The developmental stages of these palaces clearly define the
royal house's developing conceptualization of what a palace should be:
seat of government and imperial residence. The elements of this duality
mutually influenced and transformed each other affecting the spatial and
functional components of the Ottoman palaces until the early 18th
century. The stages in this development may be summarized as:
Edirne Yeni Sarayi
whose modifications and successive extensions undertaken in different
stages and periods led to the evolution of residential and
administrative units often with the same private and ceremonial
functions and even with the same names. Thus this palace exhibits
important parallels with the new palace in Istanbul.
Istanbul Eski Sarayi
which, though originally intended as the Ottoman residence, was to play
a vital role, as the "Women's Palace" in the development and spatial
transformation of what was to become the new palace's Harem. While this
palace served initially as the residence of the sultan's immediate
family (mother, wives, and children), it later became the residence of
all the womenfolk of deceased sovereigns. It thus serves as a parallel
and external model for the official Harem of the new palace.
In his capacity as chief planner of his capital,
Mehmed II set out the structure of the state with its own organizational
philosophy, inter- related institutions, and ceremonial orders
(including the ethics, manners, and rituals that ultimately became
traditions) as well as the physical environment of the capital in which
all its integrated institutions were located in designated zones and
districts.
Mehmed II's Kanunname (literally "Book of Laws") lays
down what are essentially the schematics for his prospective global
empire- the "Third Rome". But although all its institutions are
described in detail and were to be located somewhere within the urban
context, the sultan's intentions with regard to matters of location and
organization are not clearly known; only some vague assumptions can be
made on the basis of the known duality of function.
Although he originally selected as the site of his
palace a location that was thoroughly urban, he later chose to relocate
it to another that was (at the time) relatively remote and isolated. His
motives in this cannot be precisely discerned. Did he anticipate the
separate (or integrated) primary function of the new palace as a private
domain or residence or as a ceremonial domain that would be fitted out
with the administrative functions of the state?
Another related, and unresolved, problem was why
Yedikule, which was designed and built in accordance with the most
sophisticated concepts of military architecture of the day, was to
function solely as an imperial treasury. What purpose did he originally
envision this structure serving? Compared with this, his intentions and
aims in the construction of his kulliye (multi-functional complex) in
the modern-day district of Fatih are clear and well formulated: it was
here that the class of civil servants who would serve the state and make
scholarly and technological contributions to its progress were to be
educated.
All the palaces built (or completed) during the reign
of Mehmed II exhibit the same spatial order based on the principle of
interconnected courtyards, each located in clearly defined public,
semi-public, and private zones. These courtyards were arranged according
to hierarchical considerations with their shapes being determined by
topography rather than precise geometric or orthogonal principles. The
number of these courtyards was flexible: there had to be at least two
but could be as many as nine, as in the case of the Edirne place. Only
five of them, however, were given the designation meydan (square) or
taslik (courtyard) according to the particular palace's terminology.
Palaces evolving around courtyards in the course of
their historical development existed in both oriental and occidental
cultures long before the Ottoman experiment. Spatial organization
principles considering courtyards as "unit spaces" constituted a common
design vocabulary that quite often was implemented as both an
integrating and segregating spatial constraint.
The use of walls and courtyards and of clear and
strong transitions between and among them is one way of expressing
domains. The spatial system of a palace (or of any other structure for
that matter) is an expression of a human behavioral system. In this
context, unwanted behavior and interaction that can be prevented (or
controlled) through rules (manners, hierarchies, avoidance) can be
reinforced through architecture that creates areas (zones) that are
arranged hierarchically and occupied by various groups creating a
balance of power among them, which in turn makes it possible to create
the "system" through which group identities are formed, maintained, and
integrated.
It is for this reason that all the legendary palaces
that are formed around a system of courtyards -Beijing or Forbidden
City, Delhi, Akra, Fatehpur Sirki, and Alhambra- exhibit striking
spatial/organizational similarities. Since an absolute ruler's
philosophical vision of what should be the administrative and
residential constituents evolved around a common behavioral system and
tradition, they naturally reflect similar sources and guiding
principles.
Today Topkapi Palace functions as a museum and only a
very small part of its original domain and environment can be
appreciated. The ravages of time have resulted in the destruction (by
fire) and the demolition (through new building) of many of its original
structures. Despite this, the original 15th century spatial organization
based on a triple courtyard order that integrates, segregates, and
defines the palace's residential, ceremonial, and functional
requirements has remained remarkably intact.

These individual requirements led to the formation of
homogeneous, self-contained clusters that evolved around smaller
courtyards since this was dictated by the formative systems of the
social and functional groups, corps, classes, and institutions that
occupied them. These clusters are not isolated, however, but are linked
to and aligned with the main courtyards creating a self- contained
microcosm that perfectly mirrors the state it housed.
That then defines the methodology of this book. By
analytically exhibiting the spatial hierarchy of the palace,
reconsidering its order and the successive stages of its transformation,
we shall endeavor to expose the present state and past of this unique
world, the Palace of Felicity.